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New Analysis in Florida Proves Covid Vaccines Did Not Save Lives

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The benefits of the Covid injections are mainly reliant on a measure of the number of fatalities per case (now restricted to an assertion that they avoid severe disease and deaths – assertions that infections or transmission are decreased have been abandoned). Unfortunately, these data must be interpreted with a grain of salt because of irregularities in how “cases” are counted.

Furthermore, there is little historical information on how the number of cases of past respiratory viruses varied over time. For a third wave of an influenza variety, a disproportionately high number of cases per fatality may be the norm. Nobody is aware. All that is known is that each year, waves of hospitalizations and influenza-related mortality have traditionally had a similar size and duration.

Joel Smalley has analysed data from Florida and has broke it down by age group. Here are the death curves for the over-65s in Florida. It is a repeating pattern of several waves of similar size.

Figure 1: Deaths in Florida for over-65 year-olds. Total deaths (black line) over the baseline (dotted black line) at the top and Covid deaths (green) with the weekly excess deaths in grey bars.

Compared to waves in recent years caused by other respiratory viruses there were more deaths in these waves attributed to Covid.

People somehow bought into the myth that the decline starting in August 2020 was caused by lockdown and the decline beginning in January 2021 was caused by vaccinations. However, the same individuals agree that both the fall in August 2021 and the fall in January 2022 were natural occurrences. Those views are challenging to reconcile. The fact that the earlier peaks occurred at the same time of year as the later ones indicates that each wave experienced a natural peak. Given that the size and duration of these death waves are the same before and after injection, it becomes exceedingly difficult to discern any benefit from a vaccine. In order for the injections to have been 95% effective against death, the third wave is said to have been close to 20 times greater in the absence of immunization. That is a rather bold assertion.

Having established the impact Covid had in Florida on the more vulnerable over-65 year-olds we are ready to look at the impact on younger age groups. Here are 25-44 year-olds.

Figure 2: Deaths in Florida for 25-44 year-olds. Total deaths (black line) over the baseline (dotted black line) at the top and Covid deaths (green) with the weekly excess deaths in grey bars.

Covid barely affected this age group. There is a faint peak in July 2020 but none in January 2021 or January 2022. Instead, a rise from lockdown occurred, but it is a plateau rather than a wave. Then there is the shocking increase in deaths in the summer of 2021.

The official story is a combination of:

  1. There were more cases for Delta
  2. Delta was more deadly in the young
  3. It was the unvaccinated young who were dying

The first relies on case statistics, which are not a trustworthy indicator because they depend on testing rates, reporting rates, and the manner in which the testing is conducted. The second is predicated on the notion that a virus’s biology can be drastically altered by very little alterations. There is insufficient proof that these mutations have significantly altered either the pathology it causes or its transmissibility or deadliness. Comparing transmissibility over the duration of an entire wave, for instance, reveals that the proportion of contacts who contracted the disease was identical for each varian.

Omicron contained multiple spike protein mutations, which altered its pathology even though it was less lethal. There was no difference in the death rate by age group even with Omicron. Thirdly, many patients whose vaccination status was not recorded were assumed to be “unvaccinated,” the first two weeks following injection were labeled as “unvaccinated,” and the size of the unvaccinated population was underestimated. As a result, the claims that unvaccinated people were more likely to die were greatly skewed.

Importantly, by May 2021, nearly 30% of 25-44 year olds had been injected.

That is a huge proportion and you can bet it included all – or nearly all – of those who were at risk of dying from Covid.

Figure 3: The total percentage of each age group to have received an injection in Florida

So why did the young in Florida die, right at the time when they were being injected?

Florida immunized children at a time when there was a noticeable wave of Covid, in contrast to the U.K. Synthetic spike consumption keeps the immune system incredibly active. It is unable to fully perform its day work during that time. We are aware of this for a number of reasons.

First, Pfizer reported on the impact on one type of white blood cell in the first few weeks. After a week it had recovered but it certainly fell and we don’t know how low.

Figure 4: The count of the white blood cells, lymphocytes, in the blood in patients injected with the Pfizer product at different periods before and after vaccination. The left graph shows a molecule that was rejected for having too severe an effect. The others show the molecule used (central graph 18-55 year-olds and right hand side 65-85 year-olds). The measure at day 1-3 was still low and it is not clear how low it went before that measure.

There is other evidence of the impact, such as the high rates of shingles and the around 40% higher rates of Covid infection in the first two weeks after injection.

If the lack of Covid vaccine had really resulted in a significant increase in Delta wave deaths, then low vaccination countries would have seen extremely large Delta waves.

Take, for example, South Africa, where only 10% were injected by August 2021. The pre-Omicron waves were all of a similar magnitude. This was true for both Covid-labelled deaths and excess deaths.

Figure 5: Covid attributed deaths in South Africa
Figure 6: Excess deaths as percentage of baseline in South Africa

Palestine, which is comparable to Israel, would serve as another illustration. In both the pre- and post-vaccination eras, excess mortality waves in Palestine were greater, but over time, the waves within each nation were of comparable size. Only 20% of Palestinians have received injections by September 2021, compared to 64% of Israelis. As the Covid branded deaths had a comparable size regardless, the lower excess deaths in Israel are probably related to having experienced significant numbers of deaths earlier.

Figure 7: Covid labelled deaths in Israel and Palestine
Figure 8: Excess deaths as percentage of baseline in Palestine and Israel

Bahrain and Oman, two countries on the Arabian Peninsula that performed worse than others, might serve as another example. Both have received numerous vaccinations, but the timing was noticeably different. By the end of April 2021, Bahrain had immunized half its people. Oman had only vaccinated 7% of the population as of the beginning of June 2021, and it took until the middle of August to achieve 50%. With the introduction of the vaccination in May 2021, a sizable Delta wave surged in Bahrain but did not reach Oman until June. In the end, the delay in immunization in Oman until the summer had no negative effects. (There are no excess death statistics for Bahrain.)

Figure 9: Percentage of population vaccinated in Bahrain and Oman
Figure 10: Covid attributed deaths in Bahrain and Oman 
Figure 11: Cumulative covid attributed deaths in Bahrain and Oman

The claim that Covid vaccines saved lives does not stand up to any scrutiny.

Dr. Clare Craig is a diagnostic pathologist and co-Chair of the HART groupThis article was first published by HART.

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New Bill Aims to Remove COVID-19 Vaccine Manufacturer Liability Protections

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A new bill has been introduced that could potentially strip COVID-19 vaccine manufacturers of their existing liability protections. Proposed by Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) on March 5, the bill targets the Public Readiness and Emergency Preparedness Act (PREP Act), a legal framework that shields vaccine manufacturers from certain liabilities.

The bill’s primary objective is to enable Americans who have experienced adverse effects from COVID-19 vaccines to pursue legal action against the companies responsible for manufacturing them. If passed, this legislation would mark a substantial shift in the legal landscape surrounding vaccine injury claims.

At the core of the proposed bill is the retroactive removal of liability protections granted to COVID-19 vaccine manufacturers under the PREP Act. This Act, initiated by former Health Secretary Alex Azar during the Trump administration and subsequently extended by President Joe Biden, offers immunity to manufacturers and individuals involved in administering vaccines, with exceptions only for cases involving willful misconduct.

Rep. Chip Roy’s rationale for introducing the bill rests on principles of justice and accountability. He emphasizes the need to empower Americans who have suffered vaccine-related injuries and to challenge what he perceives as undue federal protection for vaccine manufacturers. Roy contends that many individuals were coerced into receiving the COVID-19 vaccine and subsequently faced adverse health effects with limited recourse for restitution.

Under the current framework, individuals with suspected or confirmed vaccine-related injuries can seek compensation through the Countermeasures Injury Compensation Program. However, the program’s track record reveals limited success for claimants, with just 11 individuals compensated as of January, and numerous claims rejected. Critics, including those involved in a lawsuit challenging the program’s constitutionality, characterize it as a “kangaroo court.”

The bill proposed by Rep. Roy explicitly states that it does not impede individuals’ ability to seek compensation through existing channels such as the Countermeasures Injury Compensation Program. This clarification aims to ensure that avenues for restitution remain accessible to affected individuals.

The response from pharmaceutical companies and industry representatives has been mixed. While Pfizer, Moderna, and trade groups like the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America express concerns about jeopardizing vaccine development and public health response mechanisms, supporters of the bill, including Children’s Health Defense, advocate for increased accountability and transparency in vaccine injury cases.

With 19 co-sponsors already on board, including prominent figures like Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) and Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), the bill reflects a growing sentiment among certain lawmakers and advocacy groups for greater scrutiny of COVID-19 vaccine manufacturer liabilities.

The introduction of this bill signifies a pivotal moment in the ongoing discourse surrounding COVID-19 vaccines, as debates unfold and stakeholders weigh in on the proposed legislation, its fate will likely shape the future trajectory of vaccine liability protections and individual rights in the context of public health emergencies. Only time will tell how this legislative effort will impact the landscape of vaccine accountability and the pursuit of justice for those affected by vaccine-related injuries.

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New CDC guidelines announced Friday, say to treat Covid like the Flu

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In a significant shift, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) released updated guidelines on Friday, signaling a shift in the handling of Covid cases. The new guidance marks another step towards the normalization of the virus, which has dramatically impacted lives worldwide for the past four years.

According to the latest CDC recommendations, individuals diagnosed with Covid no longer need to isolate for a mandatory five-day period. Instead, they should adhere to a set of precautions similar to those commonly practiced with the flu. This includes staying home until experiencing a day without fever and seeing improvement in symptoms.

The move essentially is telling what most of us already knew, to treat Covid more like the flu, and not overreact when ill. While Covid remains a serious public health concern, the latest guidance acknowledges that it is no longer the singular disruptor it once was. Instead, it has become another infectious disease that individuals and communities must manage alongside existing health threats.

Under the updated guidelines, individuals should continue taking precautions, such as wearing masks and limiting close contact with others, for the subsequent five days following symptom improvement. This approach aims to strike a balance between preventing the spread of the virus and allowing individuals to resume normal activities as soon as possible.

The CDC’s revised recommendations reflect evolving scientific understanding of Covid transmission and immunity, as well as the need to adapt public health strategies to the changing landscape of the pandemic. As vaccination rates rise and new variants emerge, health authorities continue to reassess and refine their guidance to best protect public health.

SOURCE: CDC

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Covid vaccine mandate ‘unlawful’ for Queensland emergency services, court rules

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In a significant legal development, Queensland’s state supreme court has ruled that Covid-19 vaccine mandates imposed on police and ambulance workers were made unlawfully, marking a pivotal decision in the ongoing discourse surrounding public health measures and individual rights.

Delivering judgments in three lawsuits brought forth by 86 parties, the court scrutinized directives issued by Queensland’s police and ambulance services during 2021 and 2022, which compelled workers to receive Covid vaccines and booster shots under the threat of disciplinary action, including termination of employment.

Notably, the court’s rulings did not delve into the scientific debate regarding the transmissibility of specific Covid variants or the efficacy of particular vaccines. Instead, the focus centered on the procedural aspects and human rights considerations inherent in the issuance of vaccine mandates.

Chief among the court’s findings was the failure of Queensland Police Commissioner Katarina Carroll to adequately address the relevant human rights concerns when implementing the vaccine mandate. Similarly, the former Director General of the Department of Health, Dr. John Wakefield, was unable to substantiate the issuance of the mandate within the framework of ambulance service workers’ employment agreements.

Consequently, the court determined that both vaccine mandates were “unlawful” and deemed them to have no legal effect.

Acknowledging the contentious nature of the directives, the court recognized that while they may have infringed upon the human rights of workers by compelling them to undergo a medical procedure without full consent, such measures were deemed reasonable given the broader context of public health protection.

Senior Judge Administrator Glenn Martin emphasized the overarching objective of the police and ambulance services to safeguard their employees from the potentially severe consequences of Covid-19 infection, including serious illness and life-altering health outcomes.

The ruling serves as a pivotal moment in the ongoing debate surrounding Covid-19 vaccination mandates, underscoring the delicate balance between public health imperatives and individual rights. As jurisdictions worldwide grapple with similar issues, the Queensland Supreme Court’s decision will undoubtedly reverberate across legal and public health spheres, shaping future policy discourse and implementation strategies.

“The balance between the importance of the purpose of the limitation and the importance of preserving the human right … is complicated by the fact that these directions were given in what was, by any measure, an emergency,” he said.

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